Emmanuel Levinas on Peace


(Written 2016)

The entry on Carl Schmitt reflects on the implications of a realpolitik where the sovereign state is necessary to protect us from the hatred that can erupt so easily in human relationships. On one extreme end of this spectrum is war as the ultimate option to defend collective interests against enemies. What is on the other end? Can we find a viable political philosophy driven by a vision of peace?

The Root of Ethics in the Encounter with the Other.


This entry is dedicated to Emmanuel Levinas (1906-1995), another European thinker who lived at the same time as Schmitt, but who developed very different ideas. Levinas was a student of Husserl and thus a colleague of Heidegger, but the basic impulse of his thinking is more in line with other Jewish thinkers like Franz Rosenzweig and Martin Buber. Levinas emphasizes ethics as foundational for philosophy. Ethics for Levinas arises from the proximity to the Other, from the face-to-face encounter, which summons the subject by saying “don’t hurt me.” Encountering the Other puts me under the obligation to do justice toward her or him. This creates an unconditional responsibility before I think of myself; it preserves the alterity of the Other and calls on me not to suppress the difference. I am responsible to the Other without any mediation, only via this face-to-face encounter. This responsibility is prior to my own freedom; it exists before I have done anything in particular. Levinas' position is a critique of the idea that the subject is responsible only for the consequences of its own actions. The responsibility to the Other comes first; it is outside my will and when I grasp it, it becomes an absolute obligation.

How can this ethical condition function in a society that overflows with stereotypes of others? Before we even encounter anyone, others appear in so many shades of representations, and in deeply objectified forms. This is not just done to them: people also objectify themselves, because it creates meaning, value, and income in a world ruled by commodity fetishism. People are often not themselves: they are products of identifications, they get judged by their resumes or their possessions, and they strive to express status by owning objects that are valuable in the eyes of others. A face-to-face encounter is rare in a world where social categories determine our identity and where people have a hard time facing themselves.


Peace or War?


How does the philosophy of Levinas relate to Hegel's master-slave dialectic that serves as the basis of Marx' idea of class struggle? Are these two thinkers not telling us very different stories about the primordial relation between self and Other? For Hegel, the relation with the Other is a confrontational dialectic: it is a struggle for superiority where the subject engages in a battle and tries to destroy the otherness of the other, but at the same time it needs the other in order to be recognized as superior. The master needs a slave in order to be the master. Hegel offers an analysis of the subject-other relation that cannot be reconciled easily, because it cannot escape from its antagonistic origins. In Levinas, the relation between subject and other is not a struggle for recognition, but a welcoming of the otherness of the other, which demands from me not to do violence. For Levinas, the idea that I may have to kill the other is more terrifying than my own death, and when I truly see the other, I recognize myself as guilty and failing in my responsibilities, before I have done anything.

What are the implications of a shift from Hegel to Levinas, from a negative to a positive perception of the relation with the Other? How does it change the idea of peace and the anticipation of a common future?

Levinas asks whether politics works against a background of war, or if it contains the real possibility of peace. In his 1984 essay “Peace and Proximity” (published 1995, see summary below), Levinas favors the liberal state because it creates more space for real difference between the actors, but he also sees the danger of liberalism understood as indifference. He writes:

 “It is not without importance to know—and this is perhaps the European experience of the twentieth century—whether the egalitarian and just State in which the European is fulfilled—and which it is a matter…above all of preserving—proceeds from a war of all against all—or from the irreducible responsibility of the one for the other.” 

It seems to me that the answer he gives in the article summarized below is twofold: First, Europe is built on a network of nation states which have their foundation in a common rationality originating in the philosophies of ancient Greece. This leads to the European creation of social systems built on democracy and justice, and they also defend themselves well. But anchoring social systems firmly in a relationship to truth is not enough: the real peace only comes when these systems also acknowledge the extreme precariousness of the other. Against Schmitt, Levinas would say: The problem is not to define sovereignty based on who can decide about the exception, or who is our enemy. Instead, Walter Benjamin was right, and the problem is that we do not recognize enough that "states of emergency" are the norm rather than the exception for so many of our fellow human beings. The rule of law is a first step and it is good for the state, but the ethical dimension needs to be addressed differently, as a inclusion of being-for-the-other. We need to aim for the peace that comes from a recognition of proximity to our neighbors.

For Levinas, politics as a totalizing form of power play is problematic because it can easily exclude the ethical dimension, even if this kind of politics pursues liberal ideas like “all individuals are free.” Power discourses carry the danger of eliminating differences because they push ideas against people. Both totalitarian and liberal political regimes carry a potential for violence, and the idea of equality can easily be used against its own intention to oppress or ignore people in various ways.

Considerations of politics and justice become relevant for the analysis of Levinas when a third party affects the relation two people have with each other. Eventually I realize that in my face-to face relationship to the other, this other has relationships to third parties, and now the question arises: who are they to me? And what is my obligation for the relationship they have with each other? What am I to do when my neighbor quarrels with other neighbors? Which side will I take, or what is my responsibility in this situation? These are the scenarios that open the door for considerations of politics and justice in the thought of Levinas  How do we constitute a just order where claims of each party remain intelligible and equal before the law, without suppressing their differences? For Schmitt, the law itself is seen as an application of politics, and there exists a political dynamic before states come into existence. Whereas Schmitt acknowledges the friend/enemy distinction, Levinas traces justice back to the family, which is common to all of humanity. He argues that our intuition of justice is much more determined by the institution of the family than by the justice of the State. Our sense of justice is strongly determined by face-to-face responsibilities that arise from our encounters with parents, siblings, children, spouses, and friends. This inspires Levinas to write a phenomenology of the family ("beyond the face") in Totality and Infinity (1961).

The question still remains, how does he see the relation between ethics and politics? What kind of political order can preserve the otherness of the other without eroding it into sameness? Does he imagine a form of multiculturalism, or a pluralist politics that takes into account the asymmetrical relations between people? Another question is how Levinas perceives the role of law (either universal, local, or customary) in establishing justice? How can the law be general and anonymous, but at the same time preserve the unique ethical relation to the other? Moreover, if justice is based on proximity to the other, then it is not a response to the past. What about the demands that result from past injustices and  histories of suffering? What does he think of reparative justice?  How does the idea of ethics as proximity to the other produce a justice-based approach to history? Can we reach any kind of peace without first creating a society that is truly just?


Summary of "Peace and Proximity" 

(This summary is based on a montage of quotes from the text. I am not marking each quote separately. See the full text here. I have strongly simplified his difficult language, which means many nuances are lost.)


Part I: The problem in European identity.



Part II: Analysis of the reasons for guilty conscience.



Part III: Peace originates in the relation to the other.



Part IV: Integration: Truth, Knowledge, and Proximity.



Summary 

 © 2016 Jurgen Braungardt. All rights reserved